Russia–European Union relations - Wikipedia
takes place, looking for possible ways ahead in the building of cooperation EU- Russia relationship in a post-enlargement context2 assumes relevance. associated to the terrorist attacks in the United States in September followed by. 4) Foreign trade relations between Russia and The EU lead to creation of the .. in Europe during the “Cold War” between the United States and the Soviet. Russia has close economic ties with the UK and the rest of the EU and so According to the United Nations (UNCTAD) Russia was the eighth.
However, the goal of enhancing ties and dialogue with Brussels, even in times of crisis and rising divergences is evident to many Russian experts and politicians. That does not mean, of course, that Moscow will stop to exploit the growing weakness of European institutions: All this could lead either to a kind of catharsis like the Chinese see any crisis as a source for new opportunities or to an imminent overall debacle.
The economic crisis that started in has not yet ended. Russian experts like to stress that almost no strictly political action plans since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty have proven very successful. The common line in such analysis is that the EU is now divided at least in three groups: They emphasise that European unity is in crisis, and it remains unclear whether the EU can recover its overall effectiveness and its ability to promote the development of each Member State.
The necessity of Russia-EU cooperation However, the current turn of tide in European integration is not a sign of death. Germany will continue to pursue its long-time policy of EU consolidation trying to bring the integration process to its final stage.
Also, many states are actually economically dependent on or benefit from Brussels. Still Russia is working hard to show it is reorienting eastwards; its trade with China in for the first time prevailing over the one with Germany.
A promising area of collaboration is, however paradoxical, the fight against the Islamist terrorist threat and cooperation on regional security issues.
Actually, the EU enthusiasm over military cooperation has now practically disappeared; is restricted to limited policing or peacekeeping missions. Ukraine, no doubt, remains the major salient dilemma.
The sanctions adopted sincehave been the first since the Cold war and applying economic pressure on Moscow and continuously extended every half year, they have further exacerbated the bilateral tensions, actually rupturing many avenues of dialogue.
They have instilled the feeling in Russian society, currently very keen on regaining almost great power status in world politics and military affairs, that the EU and Europe are not friendly partners and by no means a model for replication. Real progress has to be made on this issue before relations can return to normal.
In my eyes it is clear that the Minsk II agreement frequently saluted by the leading EU members and its members in the Normandy format talks is almost defunct. Furthermore, Moscow will observe jealously any EU attempts to extend its influence and presence in the post-Soviet are. This means that we could indeed expect growing tensions and competition regarding EU moves to strengthen cooperation not only with Kyiv but also with Moldova, Belarus, any Black Sea and Balkan states and even with the Central Asian countries.
Consequently, Moscow would only be happy to see Eastern Partnership wither, as much as it understands that Brussels also will strive to prove that for Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, the European Union remains a more attractive option than Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union. Although somehow outdated, it provides guarantees of minimum legal protection to Russian economic interests. On its part, Russia is ready for talks with individual states on important bilateral issues as migration, energy including nuclearscience, cooperation in space, cyber security, the formation of a Greater Eurasian Partnership, etc.
In a broader context, Russia actually is a natural partner for the EU in discussing such topics as the migration crisis now haunting the EU, the situation in the Balkans, where Bosnia-Herzegovina still remains a powder keg, in the Greater Middle East and Northern Africa, specifically in Libya and Syria, in Iran and Iraq. HR Mogherini already suggested consultations on North Korean nuclear-missile issue, though I do not see how Moscow despite its recent accommodation proposals and UNSC permanent member status could be really helpful.
Generally, there are, in my opinion, almost no controversies between the EU and Russia on the issues of arms control. The parties seem to agree on the importance to strengthen the crisis-management capabilities of the OSCE, its monitoring mechanisms in conflict areas, as well as on instruments for crisis prevention and resolution. They are now, not without friction, tested in the eastern Ukraine separatist-held areas. The focus should be on developing new measures to prevent direct military collisions on the ground and in the air, sea and cyberspace, on creating constant channels of communication between defence ministries and military headquarters, and on developing new rules of conduct that would prevent dangerous military activity.Britain urges harsher EU sanctions against Russia
Nothing meanwhile prevents the ever-eager regional arms control community to mull over and propose certain new ideas which might be useful when the time for them finally ripens. As the Ukrainian issue is now the key irritant in the EU-NATO-Russia relations; what is rather more promising is a start of discussions of new outlines for a perspective European security architecture.
Measures aimed at the restoration of a climate of mutual trust and cooperation What is needed and can, apparently, be realised are various step-by-step, cautious measures aimed at the restoration of a climate of mutual trust and cooperation in the security sphere in Wider Europe. These measures could include: The experts could develop the outlines of the system of notifications on military aviation flights and manoeuvres of naval vessels, i. Both NATO and Russia could practice a broader system of inviting representatives to their respective manoeuvres and envision more joint peacekeeping and terrorist-fighting operations.
It would be especially useful in conventional arms control in Europe, where efforts to revive the dialogue have failed.
Russia's trade ties with Europe
The same counts for warning against planned snap exercises. Moscow could, in turn, demand more guarantees against the rapid deployment of NATO forces or at least some limits and more predictability regarding their deployment in eastern Europe. In the Europarliamentthe European United Left—Nordic Green Left are described as "reliable partner" of Russian politics, voting against resolutions condemning events such as Russia's military intervention in Ukraine, and supporting Russian policies e.
Reviewing votes in the EU Parliament on resolutions critical of Russia or measures not in the Kremlin's interests e. Russian officials have on numerous occasions warned Europe that fracking "poses a huge environmental problem" in spite of Gazprom itself being involved in shale gas surveys in Romania and not facing any protests and reacted aggressively to any criticism by environmental organisations.
Travelling through Moscow, they were met by a "government official" and sent to Donetsk, where they saw French and other foreign fighters, "half of them communists, half Nazis". Instead, Russia is back as a revisionist power pursuing a 19th-century agenda with 21st-century tactics and methods. It asserts a privileged position in determining our security choices.
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It uses overt and covert means of economic warfare, ranging from energy blockades and politically motivated investments to bribery and media manipulation in order to advance its interests and to challenge the transatlantic orientation of Central and Eastern Europe. Right across the EU we are seeing alarming evidence of Russian efforts to unpick the fabric of European unity on a whole range of vital strategic issues.
Director of National Intelligenceto conduct a major review of Russian clandestine funding of European parties over the previous decade. In the latter an armed coup was actually in progress but prevented by security services on the day of election on 16 October, with over 20 people arrested.
Usovsky confirmed the authenticity of the emails. Finland should not desire NATO membership, rather it should preferably have closer military cooperation with Russia. Such decisions will not be left to Russian generals.
EU-Russia Relations from a Russian Point of View | Heinrich Böll Stiftung European Union
Requesting an explanation, Romania's foreign ministry stated that "the threat of using a Russian strategic bomber plane by a Russian deputy prime minister is a very grave statement under the current regional context.
Putin pointed out that there will be consequences, that Russia will have to resort to a response of the military kind and re-orientate our troops and missiles.
Parliamentary Defense Committee chairman Allan Widman stated, "The old military doctrine was shaped after the last Cold War when Sweden believed that Russia was on the road to becoming a real democracy that would no longer pose a threat to this country and its neighbors.