India-Pakistan Relations – Part One: The Legacy of Partition - Future Directions International
Partition. A camp for displaced Indian Muslims next to Humayun's India and Pakistan open a trade route across Kashmir for the first time in six. The division, widely referred to as Partition, sparked massive rioting that killed October – India and Pakistan open a trade route across. A timeline of the rocky relationship between the two nuclear-armed South Asian neighbours. The partition causes one of the largest human migrations ever seen, and . - In January, India and Pakistan trade accusations of violating the.
By September 22, both sides agree to a UN mandated ceasefire, ending the war that had by that point reached a stalemate, with both sides holding some of the other's territory.
The conflict begins when the central Pakistani government in West Pakistan, led by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, refuses to allow Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a Bengali whose party won the majority of seats in the parliamentary elections, to assume the premiership. A Pakistani military crackdown on Dhaka begins in March, but India becomes involved in the conflict in December, after the Pakistani air force launches a pre-emptive strike on airfields in India's northwest.
Key events in India-Pakistan relations: A timeline | India News - Times of India
India then launches a coordinated land, air and sea assault on East Pakistan. The Pakistani army surrenders at Dhaka, and its army of more than 90, become prisoners of war. Hostilities lasted 13 days, making this one of the shortest wars in modern history. East Pakistan becomes the independent country of Bangladesh on December 6, Click here for more on the Kashmir conflict - Pakistani Prime Minister Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto and Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi sign an agreement in the Indian town of Simla, in which both countries agree to "put an end to the conflict and confrontation that have hitherto marred their relations and work for the promotion of a friendly and harmonious relationship and the establishment of a durable peace in the subcontinent".
Both sides agree to settle any disputes "by peaceful means".
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The Simla Agreement designates the ceasefire line of December 17,as being the new "Line-of-Control LoC " between the two countries, which neither side is to seek to alter unilaterally, and which "shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognised position of either side".
Pakistan rejects the accord with the Indian government. India refers to the device as a "peaceful nuclear explosive". These include "nuclear power and research reactors, fuel fabrication, uranium enrichment, isotopes separation and reprocessing facilities as well as any other installations with fresh or irradiated nuclear fuel and materials in any form and establishments storing significant quantities of radio-active materials". Both sides agree to share information on the latitudes and longitudes of all nuclear installations.
This agreement is later ratified, and the two countries share information on January 1 each year since then.
Partition of India - Wikipedia
Muslim political parties, after accusing the state government of rigging the state legislative elections, form militant wings. Pakistan says that it gives its "moral and diplomatic" support to the movement, reiterating its call for the earlier UN-sponsored referendum. India says that Pakistan is supporting the insurgency by providing weapons and training to fighters, terming attacks against it in Kashmir "cross-border terrorism".
Militant groups taking part in the fight in Kashmir continue to emerge through the s, in part fuelled by a large influx of "mujahideen" who took part in the Afghan war against the Soviets in the s.
India-Pakistan Relations – Part One: The Legacy of Partition
Pakistan responds by detonating six nuclear devices of its own in the Chaghai Hills. The tests result in international sanctions being placed on both countries. The third war between India and Pakistan, in Decembercentered in the east over the secession of East Pakistan which became Bangladeshbut it also included engagements in Kashmir and elsewhere on the India-West Pakistan front. India's military victory was complete. The independence of Bangladesh was widely interpreted in India--but not in Pakistan--as an ideological victory disproving the "Two Nations Theory" pushed by the Muslim League and that led to partition in At Shimla SimlaHimachal Pradesh, on July 2,Indira Gandhi and Pakistan's President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto signed the Simla Accord by which India would return all personnel and captured territory in the west and the two countries would "settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations.
The fighting had resulted in the capture of each other's territory at various points along the cease-fire line, but the Simla Accord defined a new line of control that deviated in only minor ways from the cease-fire line. The two sides agreed not to alter the actual line of control unilaterally and promised to respect it "without prejudice to the recognized position of either side.
In the summer ofdifferences between Srinagar and New Delhi led to the dismissal of Farooq's government by highly questionable means.Indo-Pak Relation, Causes of Conflict, Steps to Improve Bilateral Relation - UPSC/SSC/SSB
Kashmir once again became an irritant in bilateral relations. Indian diplomats consistently accused Pakistan of trying to "internationalize" the Kashmir dispute in violation of the Simla Accord. In the mid- to late s, the political situation in Kashmir became increasingly unstable.
In MarchNew Delhi invoked President's Rule to remove Farooq's successor, Ghulam Mohammed Shah, as chief minister, and replace his rule with that of Governor Jagmohan, who had been appointed by the central government in In state elections held inFarooq's political party, the National Conference, forged an alliance with Rajiv Gandhi's Congress Iwhich won a majority in the state elections. Farooq's government failed to deal with Kashmir's economic problems and the endemic corruption of its public institutions, providing fertile ground for militant Kashmiris who demanded either independence or association with Pakistan.
A rising spiral of unrest, demonstrations, armed attacks by Kashmiri separatists, and armed suppression by Indian security forces started in and was still occurring in the mids. Singh warned that India should be psychologically prepared for war. Under pressure from the United States, the Soviet Union, and China to avoid a military conflict and solve their dispute under the terms of the Simla Accord, India and Pakistan backed off in May and engaged in a series of talks on confidence-building measures for the rest of the year.
Tensions reached new heights in the early and mids with increasing internal unrest in Jammu and Kashmir, charges of human rights abuses, and repeated clashes between Indian paramilitary forces and Kashmiri militants, allegedly armed with Pakistani-supplied weapons see Political Issues, ch. A concurrent irritant related to the Kashmir dispute was the confrontation over the Siachen Glacier near the Karakoram Pass, which is located in northeast Jammu and Kashmir.
InIndian officials, citing Pakistan's "cartographic aggression" extending the line of control northeast toward the Karakoram Pass, contended that Pakistan intended to occupy the Siachen Glacier in order to stage an attack into Indian-controlled Kashmir.
After New Delhi airlifted troops into the western parts of the Saltoro Mountains, Islamabad deployed troops opposite them. The estimated cost for India was about 10 percent of the annual defense budget for FY After several skirmishes between the opposing troops, negotiations to resolve this confrontation began with five rounds of talks between and After a three-year hiatus because of tensions caused by the other Kashmir conflict, a sixth round of talks was held in November Some progress was made on the details of an agreement.
There was a strongly-rooted mindset among some Indian nationalist groups that the Indian leadership at the time should not have allowed the country to be divided. That thinking has mostly evolved to one that demands that those Indian Muslims who do not accept India in its totality ought to be deported to Pakistan. This would include Kashmiris who call for a separate state.
The vast majority of Indians, however, recognise the fact that the sub-continent has been divided but are concerned about their security. They wish to be left to carry out their economic revival and not have to be worried about threats to their safety. It is this thinking that saw the Modi Administration initially reach out to Pakistan in order to re-cast the adversarial relationship. This bonhomie ended, however, in the wake of attacks upon Indian military and civilian targets since then.
Those saw Modi take a hard line against Islamabad and overtly work towards isolating Pakistan internationally. The attackallegedly by Pakistan-trained fighters, on a military camp in Uri, India-administered Kashmir, saw calls among Indian nationalists and, worryingly, large segments of Indian society for retaliatory attacks on Pakistan.
The bilateral relationship has, equally, reached new lows. In this light, it is easy to see why Washington refused to sell Pakistan F fighter aircraft, no matter their stated reasons. It is interesting to note that Washington, simultaneously, gave Lockheed-Martin, the manufacturer of those aircraft, the green light to initiate discussions with New Delhi to manufacture the aircraft in India. Saudi Arabia, similarly, has turned towards India, which seeks to purchase more energy products to fuel its growing economy.
Despite these trends, India must exercise caution in carrying out its goal of isolating Pakistan.
The situation could easily get out of hand. If that were to happen, it is not inconceivable that the Army could threaten nuclear strikes. Repeated strikes against militants in Pakistan could, moreover, witness another military coup against the elected government in Islamabad and an increase in such strikes against Indian targets.
That situation could also spiral out of control.
This is not to imply that New Delhi ought to absorb the attacks upon its interests; by all means, take the necessary precautions to protect life and property, even adopt a take-no-prisoners approach against the militants who attack India on its soil but re-calibrate the approach to isolating Pakistan in its entirety.